Clara López Obregón: “From declaration to collective action”

Comrades,

After rigorously analyzing the gravity of the situation, its geopolitical purpose, and the strategic orientation that should guide our response, this panel has a decisive responsibility: to move from declaration to collective action.

We are not facing an isolated crisis. We are facing an explicit reissue of the Monroe Doctrine, now formulated as national security policy, which seeks to once again turn Latin America and the Caribbean into a theater of operations, subordinate to external interests. Faced with the geopolitics of the strong, imposed through coercion, our response must be the geopolitics of the weak: integration, collective action, political legitimacy, international law, and the construction of shared regional power.

The history of our region is clear: fragmented, we are vulnerable; coordinated, we are a real political force. This panel must identify tactics that translate that historical truth into concrete, sustainable, and effective mechanisms.

Allow me to propose six tactical axes, directly connected to the guiding questions of this panel.

1. Immediate and concerted diplomatic coordination

First, we need a coordinated, not scattered, diplomatic offensive. Isolated national communiqués are not enough. What is required is:

• Joint positions from CELAC and, where possible, the reactivation of forums for consultation, such as UNASUR or ad hoc formats.
• Coordinated actions in the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, and multilateral forums to raise the political and legal cost of any form of intervention or guardianship.
• Joint diplomatic missions and synchronized statements that break the isolation of each country, which is precisely the logic of external pressure.

The key here is simple: no country should face the colossus alone.

2. Regional humanitarian action as a legitimate political instrument

Second, the humanitarian dimension must be converted into a legitimate instrument of collective action. The case of Cuba is urgent. The energy blockade and the blockade of supplies threaten real humanitarian crises.

I propose exploring:

• A regional mechanism for humanitarian and energy aid, coordinated by progressive governments, with the support of social movements and international networks.
• Joint purchases, shared logistics, and technical cooperation to reduce the direct impact of the blockade.
• A clear narrative: this is not charitable assistance, it is concrete defense of the right to life in the face of political coercion.

This raises the moral and political cost of the blockade and turns solidarity into a form of strategic action.

3. Political articulation of existing progressive spaces

Third, today we have multiple spaces: The Progressive International, Grupo de Puebla, São Paulo Forum, anti-fascist networks, social movements, trade unions, and territorial organizations.

The problem is not the absence of actors, it is the lack of tactical articulation.

I propose:

• Creating a minimal mechanism for permanent coordination, not bureaucratic but operational, to share information, schedule actions, and avoid duplication.
• Identify common continental campaigns: days of action, synchronized declarations, simultaneous mobilizations, coordinated parliamentary pressure.
• Unity cannot be decreed; it is built through concrete shared tasks.

4. Legal and international law strategy

Fourth, we must use international law more intelligently, not as rhetoric, but as a real field of dispute.

This includes:

• Lawsuits and actions before international courts.
• Systematic documentation of violations: sanctions, blockades, interventions, and financial coercion.
• Regional legal teams working in a coordinated manner.

International law alone does not stop coercion, but it raises costs, legitimizes our position, and builds legal memory.

5. Building regional economic and energy resilience

Fifth, external pressure relies on real vulnerabilities: energy, finance, trade, and technological dependence.

We cannot resolve this in a matter of months, but we can:

•  Advance regional energy cooperation mechanisms.
•  Explore regional financial instruments and intraregional trade agreements.
• Reduce critical dependencies wherever possible.

Resilience is not just rhetoric: it is a material condition for sustaining sovereignty.

6. Civic coordination and strategic communication

Sixth, the battle is also cultural, informational, and civic.

We need:

• Continental networks of progressive communication.
• Joint production of content, research, reports, and shared narratives.
• Coordination with diasporas, student movements, unions, and social organizations in the United States, Canada, and Europe.

It is not just a matter of talking among ourselves, but of contesting the global narrative.

Comrades,

The central question for this panel is not whether we resist. The question is how we resist without isolating ourselves, without fragmenting ourselves, and without unnecessarily escalating to scenarios that benefit those who seek to turn our region into a theater of operations.

Our greatest strength is not military. It is political. It is the legitimacy of defending peace, sovereignty, and self-determination. It is the ability to turn geographical proximity into political solidarity, and shared vulnerability into shared strength.

If Bolívar teaches us anything in the face of Monroe, it is that unity is not a romantic ideal: it is a strategic necessity.

This panel must leave here with concrete proposals, shared responsibilities, and initial timelines. Only then will we truly move from declaration to action.